This week, the frenzied election activity that was the hallmark of the presidential election campaign came to a rather anti-climactic end with President Mahinda Rajapaksa emerging a clear winner with nearly 58 per cent of the popular vote and his main rival, General Sarath Fonseka polling 40 per cent and conceding a majority of 1.8 million votes.The results were surprising, not because of the outcome itself but because of the margin of victory as the extremely acrimonious campaign had led to perceptions of an exceptionally close contest between the two contenders with many expecting the thinnest of majorities for the victor.
In retrospect, the results are a vindication of President Rajapaksa’s decision to call for early presidential elections which were not due until November 2011. The President, the astute politician that he is, obviously realised he could cash in on the popularity that he enjoyed in the aftermath of winning the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May last year.
As the political scenario was then, there was overall expectation that President Rajapaksa would emerge a clear winner with the other candidates being relegated to ‘also ran’ status as the main opposition parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) were in disarray due to defections from their parties towards the ruling United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA).The campaign of the UPFA received a jolt with the formation of the United National Alliance (UNA) and the entry of General Sarath Fonseka into the contest. It is no secret that this rejuvenated and high spirited opposition then began to harbour real hopes of wresting power after six years.
The presidential election results have put paid to those hopes now. The results suggest that the nation has voted with the incumbent President overwhelmingly. There may be several factors contributing to this final result.The President campaigned on a platform that encouraged the voter to endorse his decision to wage war against the LTTE to a finish, notwithstanding the fact that his main contender was the principal commander in that war. This resulted in an often bitter debate as to who was responsible for the war victory, the Commander of the Army or the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. The truth is that they both played crucial and indispensible roles but the campaign turned out to be a virtual referendum on this question.
It is significant that the President made no major promises during the campaign. His manifesto was titled ‘Mahinda Chintana - Idiri Dekma’ and was merely an extension of the original Mahinda Chintana. Instead, voters were urged to repay their gratitude to the man who led them to the victory against the LTTE. Of course, the UPFA also made strenuous efforts to rebuff allegations of corruption made by the collective opposition.
If these were the main strategies of the UPFA campaign, they were helped by a variety of factors that worked against General Fonseka and his hastily cobbled together coalition. Some issues dogged their campaign from the outset and the main controversy, the ‘white flag scandal’ where General Fonseka said he was told that Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa allegedly ordered the shooting of surrendering LTTE leaders perhaps hurt them most.
The matter got out of hand when the state media and propaganda machinery cleverly converted the issue to a different perspective. The bone of contention was no longer whether the event actually occurred or not. Instead the General was portrayed as a man who was betraying his battlefield commanders for political gain and this could have hurt his standing among many prospective voters.There were other flaws in the General’s campaign that were exploited to the full by the ruling UPFA and its strategists: his lack of political experience, his verbal outbursts at political meetings and the decision of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) to support him.
The latter in particular was portrayed by the government as an attempt by the collective opposition to revive the dead Tiger. This claim was absurd considering that it was General Fonseka who spearheaded the campaign to decapitate it in the first instance, but because he now had as his allies the UNP, the SLMC and Mano Ganesan led Democratic Peoples’ Liberation Front (DPLF), this claim could have struck a chord with voters.Other issues that hurt the General were a lack of a definite constitutional mechanism to implement his main campaign promise - the abolition of the executive presidency - and the UNP-JVP alliance being perceived as essentially a coalition of convenience formed to defeat the President and nothing else.
It is no secret that the state media was utilised to the hilt by the ruling party to convey their message, but the opposition was unable to counter this effectively because of financial and other constraints.As President Rajapaksa reflects on the election results, there is a factor that should bother him despite the mandate that he has received: his inability to inspire confidence in the voters of the North and East to vote for him. For all his efforts with the war, he is not being seen as their liberator. It is an issue the President and the think tanks in the government must take serious note of.
This must stem from the lack of a political settlement that redresses the concerns of the ‘minority’ communities in the aftermath of the war. Understandably, such a settlement cannot be arrived at overnight and it is only eight months since the war was concluded. However, the results from the North and East suggest that the President’s efforts since last May have been found wanting on that score.
The North and East did not effectively enter the voting equation for President Rajapaksa in the presidential election because of the convincingly substantial majorities in the South but it could be a crucial factor in the general elections that are due and the President will do well to attempt to address this apparent chink in his armour.The President requested his countrymen to ‘get to work’ the day after the elections to rebuild the nation, but he himself will have to now work towards the next item on the political agenda: The General Election. (News - the nation)
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Saturday, February 6, 2010
New constitution after election
The government will convene a Constituent Assembly after the conclusion of the next general election to formulate a new Constitution based on the German Model. The Nation learns that a 1972-styled Constituent Assembly that drafted the First Republican Constitution that year would be set up after elections, as the present 1978 Constitution does not provide for the setting up of such an assembly.
“The United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) will ask for two thirds majority from the public at the forthcoming general elections. In the event we do get the people’s mandate for ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya – Vision for the Future’ (Idiri Dekma), a Constituent Assembly would be convened to go ahead with the necessary Constitutional reforms,” Media Minister Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene told The Nation.
“The government after taking into consideration views of all parties, will introduce a modified version of the German Model or the Mixed System. Under it, Members of Parliament would be made answerable to his or her constituency (seat) and majority of MPs would be elected under the first-past-the-post system. The rest would be elected under the Proportional Representation (PR) system, which is effective at present, in order to ensure minority party representation in Parliament.
However, the exact basis has to be finalised in the future,” he added. President Mahinda Rajapaksa had mooted that unlimited powers of the present Executive Presidency was undesirable and as set out in the 2010 manifesto, would be made an office accountable and answerable to the Parliament. Head of State would also be mandated to sit in Parliament.
Unchecked and unrestricted powers of Executive Presidency was useful during a time of war, as President Rajapaksa exercised them to abrogate the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) with the LTTE, and to take urgent decisions concerning military operations.
The removal of power of the President to dissolve Parliament and increase the powers of Advisory Committees to over see ministries, are also mooted in the 2010 manifesto. It also proposes to modify office of the President to that of a ‘custodian’ after due consultation with all parties and people’s representatives. Asked what would become of the efforts of the All Party Representatives Committee (APRC) he said although the proposals would not be used as they are, they would nevertheless be useful material for the next Parliament.
Under ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya – Vision for the Future,’ President Rajapaksa has also mooted the re-introduction of the second chamber – the Senate, to encourage the participation of religious dignitaries and professionals. Urban Development and Sacred Area Development Minister Dinesh Gunwardene, who also headed the Parliamentary Select Committee on Electoral Reforms, told The Nation that the Committee could not reach a consensus about the basis of allocation.
“What we have been proposing was to go in for a mixed system. No decision was reached during the last one and a half years as UNP was scaling down and moving up the basis of allocation. As a result no consensus could be reached. So, the basis would be the 160 electorates of which five are multi-member constituencies. So, 165 would be elected on the first-past-the-post system while rest would be elected through under a list of national level combined with district or provincial level. The argument was to not increase the number of MPs which at present stands at 225,” Gunawardene said.
The 2010 manifesto also proposes that the 13th Amendment and Provincial Council System would be modified after due consultation with all represented parties and to adopt a Jana Sabha (People’s Council) and Gam Sabha (Village Council), which is similar to the Panchayath System in India. President Rajapaksa also pledges to re-establishment of the Northern Provincial Council within a very short span. (News - The Nation)
“The United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) will ask for two thirds majority from the public at the forthcoming general elections. In the event we do get the people’s mandate for ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya – Vision for the Future’ (Idiri Dekma), a Constituent Assembly would be convened to go ahead with the necessary Constitutional reforms,” Media Minister Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene told The Nation.
“The government after taking into consideration views of all parties, will introduce a modified version of the German Model or the Mixed System. Under it, Members of Parliament would be made answerable to his or her constituency (seat) and majority of MPs would be elected under the first-past-the-post system. The rest would be elected under the Proportional Representation (PR) system, which is effective at present, in order to ensure minority party representation in Parliament.
However, the exact basis has to be finalised in the future,” he added. President Mahinda Rajapaksa had mooted that unlimited powers of the present Executive Presidency was undesirable and as set out in the 2010 manifesto, would be made an office accountable and answerable to the Parliament. Head of State would also be mandated to sit in Parliament.
Unchecked and unrestricted powers of Executive Presidency was useful during a time of war, as President Rajapaksa exercised them to abrogate the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) with the LTTE, and to take urgent decisions concerning military operations.
The removal of power of the President to dissolve Parliament and increase the powers of Advisory Committees to over see ministries, are also mooted in the 2010 manifesto. It also proposes to modify office of the President to that of a ‘custodian’ after due consultation with all parties and people’s representatives. Asked what would become of the efforts of the All Party Representatives Committee (APRC) he said although the proposals would not be used as they are, they would nevertheless be useful material for the next Parliament.
Under ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya – Vision for the Future,’ President Rajapaksa has also mooted the re-introduction of the second chamber – the Senate, to encourage the participation of religious dignitaries and professionals. Urban Development and Sacred Area Development Minister Dinesh Gunwardene, who also headed the Parliamentary Select Committee on Electoral Reforms, told The Nation that the Committee could not reach a consensus about the basis of allocation.
“What we have been proposing was to go in for a mixed system. No decision was reached during the last one and a half years as UNP was scaling down and moving up the basis of allocation. As a result no consensus could be reached. So, the basis would be the 160 electorates of which five are multi-member constituencies. So, 165 would be elected on the first-past-the-post system while rest would be elected through under a list of national level combined with district or provincial level. The argument was to not increase the number of MPs which at present stands at 225,” Gunawardene said.
The 2010 manifesto also proposes that the 13th Amendment and Provincial Council System would be modified after due consultation with all represented parties and to adopt a Jana Sabha (People’s Council) and Gam Sabha (Village Council), which is similar to the Panchayath System in India. President Rajapaksa also pledges to re-establishment of the Northern Provincial Council within a very short span. (News - The Nation)
Obama has little choice but meet with Dalai Lama
WASHINGTON (AP) - Just a week after enraging China with an arms sale package for rival Taiwan, President Barack Obama risks more damage to this crucial relationship by agreeing to meet with the Dalai Lama in two weeks.
The truth is he has little choice.
Obama already postponed the visit once, angering U.S. lawmakers and rights groups. As Obama struggles to regain his footing after political setbacks, the last thing he needs is to open himself up to fresh criticism that he is kowtowing to China.
So on Thursday, his administration confirmed what had long been expected: Obama will meet with the Dalai Lama when the Tibetan monk visits Washington on Feb. 17-18.
China immediately urged the United States to scrap the meeting to avoid hurting bilateral ties. China accuses the Dalai Lama of pushing for Tibetan independence, which the Dalai Lama denies, and believes that shunning the exiled Tibetan monk should be a basic principle of international relations for countries that want to deal with China.
In reality, China could not have been surprised by Thursday’s announcement. (News - The Isalnd)
The truth is he has little choice.
Obama already postponed the visit once, angering U.S. lawmakers and rights groups. As Obama struggles to regain his footing after political setbacks, the last thing he needs is to open himself up to fresh criticism that he is kowtowing to China.
So on Thursday, his administration confirmed what had long been expected: Obama will meet with the Dalai Lama when the Tibetan monk visits Washington on Feb. 17-18.
China immediately urged the United States to scrap the meeting to avoid hurting bilateral ties. China accuses the Dalai Lama of pushing for Tibetan independence, which the Dalai Lama denies, and believes that shunning the exiled Tibetan monk should be a basic principle of international relations for countries that want to deal with China.
In reality, China could not have been surprised by Thursday’s announcement. (News - The Isalnd)
OPEC Fund loans US$ 16 mn for hydro development project
The government has concluded an agreement for a US$ 16 million loan from the OPEC Fund for International Development to be utilized for the Moragahakanda-Kaluganga development project, Information Minister Anura Yapa said.
Yapa told the Island Financial Review that the Cabinet paper in this regard had already been finalised.
This project aims at building two reservoirs one at Moragahakanda and the other across the Kaluganga, in a bid to provide irrigation for farming, hydro power electricity generation and also boost inland fisheries.
According to the Mahaweli Authority the specifications of the two reservoirs are as follows:
The Moragahakanda Reservoir consists of a roller compacted concrete main dam and two rock fill saddle dams at height of 65 metres with a capacity to store 521 million cubic metres of water.
The Kaluganga Reservoir consists of a rock filled main dam and two saddle dams, one rock fill and the other earth at a height of 67 metres. Storage capacity is estimated at 144 million cubic metres with transfer tunnels connecting it with Moragahakanda.
The total cost of both projects is estimated at US$ 382 million, according to the Mahaweli Authority.
The Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development is to loan Sri Lanka US$ 37 million for the Kaluganga development project while the Saudi Fund for Development is offering US$ 46 million with the balance to be borne by the government.
The US$ 16 million from the OPEC Fund will have an interest rate of 3.2 percent and a service charge of 1.0 percent. This loan is repayable in 20 years after grace period of five years.
As of December 17, 2009 the OPEC Fund had approved project loans amounting to US$ 80.5 million. Of this US$ 21 million was granted to the agriculture sector, US$ 20.1 million to the energy sector, US$ 16.5 million to transportation, US$ 13.9 million to education and US$ 9 million to other sectors. (News - the Island)
Yapa told the Island Financial Review that the Cabinet paper in this regard had already been finalised.
This project aims at building two reservoirs one at Moragahakanda and the other across the Kaluganga, in a bid to provide irrigation for farming, hydro power electricity generation and also boost inland fisheries.
According to the Mahaweli Authority the specifications of the two reservoirs are as follows:
The Moragahakanda Reservoir consists of a roller compacted concrete main dam and two rock fill saddle dams at height of 65 metres with a capacity to store 521 million cubic metres of water.
The Kaluganga Reservoir consists of a rock filled main dam and two saddle dams, one rock fill and the other earth at a height of 67 metres. Storage capacity is estimated at 144 million cubic metres with transfer tunnels connecting it with Moragahakanda.
The total cost of both projects is estimated at US$ 382 million, according to the Mahaweli Authority.
The Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development is to loan Sri Lanka US$ 37 million for the Kaluganga development project while the Saudi Fund for Development is offering US$ 46 million with the balance to be borne by the government.
The US$ 16 million from the OPEC Fund will have an interest rate of 3.2 percent and a service charge of 1.0 percent. This loan is repayable in 20 years after grace period of five years.
As of December 17, 2009 the OPEC Fund had approved project loans amounting to US$ 80.5 million. Of this US$ 21 million was granted to the agriculture sector, US$ 20.1 million to the energy sector, US$ 16.5 million to transportation, US$ 13.9 million to education and US$ 9 million to other sectors. (News - the Island)
Prabhakaran’s prized documents found
A special Police team yesterday traced a hideout used by LTTEleader Velupillai Prabhakaran during the final stages of war at Vellamulliwaikkaland and recovered several files containing classified information, 56 CDs and a large quantity of sophisticated weapons.
Police ascertained information about the hideout by questioning six of Prabhakaran’s closest aides now in custody.
A police team headed by SSP Quintus Raymond conducted the search operation on the instructions of Northern Province DIG Nimal Lewke.
Information contained in files pertained to Prabhakaran, his family members and his close associates and they would help the police and the security forces with the on-going investigations, investigators said.Police said all these documents and weapons had been buried underground.
The police also recovered 17 suicide jackets, 7,000 Jhonny mines, 300 kilos of C-4 explosives, 8 claymore mines and a host of weapons and ammunition.
There was evidence that the LTTEhad run an arms manufacturing factory in the vicinity of Prabhakaran’s hideout but that facility had been destroyed by the fleeing Tigers to prevent it from falling to the security forces, the police said. (News- The Island)
Police ascertained information about the hideout by questioning six of Prabhakaran’s closest aides now in custody.
A police team headed by SSP Quintus Raymond conducted the search operation on the instructions of Northern Province DIG Nimal Lewke.
Information contained in files pertained to Prabhakaran, his family members and his close associates and they would help the police and the security forces with the on-going investigations, investigators said.Police said all these documents and weapons had been buried underground.
The police also recovered 17 suicide jackets, 7,000 Jhonny mines, 300 kilos of C-4 explosives, 8 claymore mines and a host of weapons and ammunition.
There was evidence that the LTTEhad run an arms manufacturing factory in the vicinity of Prabhakaran’s hideout but that facility had been destroyed by the fleeing Tigers to prevent it from falling to the security forces, the police said. (News- The Island)
Importance of striking a fair balance in national politics
By Dr. S. Narapalasingam
Many important political decisions in Sri Lanka have been influenced by parochial short-term considerations, ignoring the larger and long-term interests of the entire society. Besides moral, spiritual and egalitarian values have also been ignored.
The decision-makers have been interested largely about immediate personal or political benefits. The exploitation of the island’s ethnic and other inherent divisions for short-term gains resulted in the disintegration of the fabric of the multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural Sri Lankan society. The causes of our national problems and the approach to their resolution have been influenced more by considerations of short-term political advantage. What this has meant is the failure to make timely balanced decisions in the interest of the whole country and the people.
The relatively poor record on national development despite the available skills and natural resources and the island’s strategic location is also due to this weakness in decision-making. In the recent past, poorer countries after gaining independence have advanced rapidly raising considerably the living standard of their citizens, while the poor Sri Lankan families have to depend on the incomes of female family members working as domestics abroad. There was a time when illegal immigrants from neighbouring India sought menial jobs in the once flourishing island. Today, not only Sri Lankans are seeking employment abroad but also some are dwelling in refugee camps in south India surviving out of the hand-outs of the government there.
For balanced and widely beneficial political decisions, the real make-up of the nation must also not be ignored. Any imagined notion of nation, ignoring the fundamentals cannot result in a sensible decision on national issues. The Sinhala ultra nationalists do not want to accept the fact that the overall ratio of Sinhalese in the total population does not apply to all provinces in the island. Article 3 of the Constitution states: “Sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable. Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise.” The happenings in the recent past raise many questions about the observance of this constitutional provision.
Power politics
In Sri Lanka politics is all about power and this has primarily been sought for personal or some narrow benefits. The ways political power has been sought have also been very harmful to the well-being of the citizens and the future of the nation. Anything that is exploitable is grabbed hastily for this purpose. Even the destructive war was exploited for narrow political gain. Although the victory was claimed to be absolute, the government was anxious to tell the delighted people that the threat of another vicious war against the State remains. Apparently, this was for continuing the handy authoritarian methods that benefitted the power wielders. This will also help to justify the retention of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Emergency Regulations used arbitrarily. The fiercely fought war gave the opportunity to cite national security as the reason for many harsh actions violating internationally accepted fundamental democratic and human rights of the people.The damage caused by the prevailing political system which is pseudo democratic to the unity and well-being of the entire society is enormous. Recently additional cost has come not only from the appointment of too many advisers to the incumbent President but also others such as the record total number of cabinet, non-cabinet and deputy ministers and the enormous security and perks provided by the State to all high-ups at the central and provincial levels. Corruption which was a major undisputed issue in the January 26 Presidential election is also another harm inflicted by bad governance on the poor people. The gap between the haves and have-nots continues to remain wide since the late 1970s. If not for the inflow of foreign money the situation would be worse.
The recent phenomenal rise in violence is attributed to the political patronage given to thugs and underworld elements. The damage to the island’s noble culture caused by the unchecked surge in violence mainly due to the inability or unwillingness of the officers appointed by their political masters to bring to justice the offenders, including murderers, abductors and assailants is also enormous. These are symptomatic of the lawlessness that characterises the prevailing system. The culture of impunity that has evolved in recent years is another abhorrent feature of misrule. For the country to progress swiftly like other stable high income countries radical changes are needed on many key areas. The liberals who voted for the common opposition candidate in the recent Presidential election thought that these can be achieved only through regime change. It is for the re-elected President to prove they were wrong.
Emotions and politics
In his recent article, ‘Emotions and Politics’ (Sunday Island 24 January and Sri Lanka Guardian 18 January 2010) Prof. Carlo Fonseka has discussed the factors that influence politics from a physiologist’s angle. Physiology is the branch of biology that deals with the internal workings of living beings. Metabolism and other functions such as respiration and reproduction explain the way a particular body or organism works. But when it comes to making decisions that have a bearing on other fellow beings, the way brain functions is critical. It is this organ that distinguishes uniquely humans from other living beings. Emotion need not be for selfish or antagonistic reason; it can be a sense of feeling for others. Leaving aside this intricate point let us see what Dr. Carlo Fonseka has said.
“Emotions associated with politics include anxiety, fear, anger, hostility, pleasure, ecstasy and depression. In 1950, Bertrand Russell was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. In his acceptance lecture, he spoke of four politically important desires. They are: acquisitiveness, rivalry, vanity and love of power”. Pleasure or ecstasy can also be acquired by being helpful to others, particularly the needy or disabled persons. Voluntary social workers get satisfaction helping such persons in care homes. The love for power need not be for personal or some parochial benefit. Ideally, it should be to serve the entire citizenry and the nation from a balanced perspective. It is the future of the nation and not that of the power seeker and his/her party that is important.
“By acquisitiveness is meant the desire to acquire as much worldly goods and money as possible. There is no limit to the desire to acquire wealth. More is always better. ……….Acquisitiveness is the emotion that drives us to behaviour appropriate to satisfying the desire for acquiring resources. Political power gives people ample opportunity to acquire wealth and this motive appears to have become stronger and stronger in those taking to politics in post-independence Sri Lanka. Acquisitiveness may well be a strong emotion at play at all levels of politics in our country. No wonder corruption is now pandemic and politics has no moral principle”.
“In Arabian history, rivalries between the sons of a Sultan by different mothers have repeatedly resulted in mutual ruin. Our own history is replete with instances of internecine rivalry even within putative liberation movements. There is evidence that some people will risk life, limb and honour to secure the ruin of their rivals with no direct gain to themselves”. Those who are aware of the kind of confrontational politics in Sri Lanka that denied a resolution of the most important national question will certainly agree with the damaging role of rivalry in national politics. “Another politically important emotion of great potency is said to be vanity. No one is immune from this emotion. Even humble saints are said to be vain about their humility. Vanity is simply the desire to be talked about; to grab attention. …Those in whom the emotion of vanity is very powerful seem to gravitate easily to politics and the arts whether or not they have the requisite talent”. In short, there have been many political leaders but not statesmen in Sri Lanka (not when it was Ceylon) to lead the island-nation along the correct path to progress and prosperity. Emotion is intrinsic to all human beings. The pertinent question is for what reason or purpose it influences decisions? The same applies to politics; is it for some selfish or wide noble aim?
Then (Ceylon) and now (Sri Lanka)
Dr. C. P. Sarvan’s review of H. A. J. Hulugalle’s (1899-1981) selected writings in the present context, gives clear perception of the fundamental difference between the mindsets of the past (Ceylon) and the present (Sri Lanka) leadership. “Hulugalle emphasises: “Those who won independence for Ceylon belonged to every race and religion found in the Island. The implication is that, therefore, all groups have a right, and deserve to share equally in the benefits of independence”.
“In 1911, Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan was elected to the Legislative Council, defeating Sir Marcus Fernando (a Sinhalese), ‘largely on the votes of the Sinhalese’. Ramanathan fought untiringly for ‘the Sinhalese Buddhists who were badly treated by the Government over the religious [Buddhist-Muslim] riots of 1915’ Standing up for justice, he took their appeal to England, despite the danger posed by German submarines. Those Sinhalese Buddhists leaders who were ‘flung into jail had no more sincere and eloquent pleader of their cause than Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan’. ‘On his successful return, jubilant crowds placed him in a carriage, detached the horses, and dragged the carriage themselves. It seems he was not seen as a Tamil who had helped to free Sinhalese but as a Ceylonese helping fellow Ceylonese’. Hulugalle has also described Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam (also a Tamil) as ‘the father of the nationalist movement’.
“Politics, observes Hulugalle, in the decades immediately after independence was dominated by those from privileged families: Mr D S Senanayake, his nephew (Sir John Kotalawela) and son, Dudley; Mr. and Mrs. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, and their daughter; and Mr. J. R. Jayewardene. Mr. D. S. Senanayake was optimistic about the Island’s future because he thought the Sinhalese were a just and generous people. Those qualities, together with the industry of the minority groups, would win the latter a share in the country’s progress. …’D S’ could not foresee ‘the full impact of the forces he helped to release’, and the consequences of those forces on other ethnic groups”. G.G. Ponnambalam the then influential Tamil political leader also shared D. S. Senanayake’s optimism about the future of the multi-ethnic sovereign island-nation. ‘JR’ too did not foresee how his constitution would be manipulated easily by his successors for their immediate benefits. Perhaps he was not interested.
“Imperialism meant exploitation, humiliation and a ‘pervading sense of inferiority’ but the ‘years since the end of British rule have not fulfilled the high expectations’ fondly entertained. Truth is no longer respected, and the rulers of the country are chosen for the wrong reasons. Political independence has not meant the same to all ethnic groups. Indeed, it can be said that Britain ‘misjudged the capacity of the Ceylonese to work a democratic system of government in a manner that was fair to everybody’. It is a severe indictment, though delivered quietly. There is a ‘tragic absence of honest debate’. What prevails is intolerance of contrary views, and ‘lying propaganda’. To disagree is to be immediately disliked.
‘The State is increasingly the employer and the extermination of political opponents’ is commonplace. ‘Racism’ (and the distrust, animosity and anger it breeds) has infected even those who are otherwise decent and fair. The result is that every issue is viewed ‘from the angle of self-interest’, be it of an individual or an ethnic group. ….. Once there was ‘a unity of purpose among the diverse communities’ and to the destruction of that sense of unity in the post-independence era is traceable much of the nation’s failure to fully measure up to the task of tackling many of its problems. "Restoration of that unity will surely provide a key to success in the future." Sadly, there is now a baseless or rather cunning view that unity can be achieved by simplistic ways without meaningful changes to the existing divisive political system.
“Both religion and reason dictated to Hulugalle the basic equality of all human beings. His is a voice from the past that speaks – wisely, decently, justly - to today’s Sri Lankans. The present generations will do well to look at the Ceylon he describes at the beginning of the 20th century, and compare it – with his honesty, clarity and courage – with Sri Lanka in the first decade of the 21st. What Hulugalle says is all the more relevant, important and urgent now than when he ‘spoke’ then. The island will gain if it listens to, and reflects on, his words”. What imperialism meant then to the majority of Ceylonese is now felt by the politically powerless ethnic minorities in divided Sri Lanka. The ethnic majority-minority division is inherent to the present political system.
The all-inclusive integrated nationalism that was pervasive before independence has vanished. It is communalism now, the preferred sense of belonging to one’s own ethnic community is influencing the minds of many citizens. The consequences of this transformation are seen in many important political decisions which have exacerbated further the ethnic division in the society. The challenging task now is to reunite the ethnically divided nation by rectifying the damages done in the past several decades. The structural disparity in the system is mainly due to the neglect of the diverse demographic and regional features that are intrinsic to the real structure of the island. It is pointless to argue here what is real and unreal from a divisive historical perspective. We need to look to the future from the present time.
The ancient history which reflects more the imaginations and opinions of the authors than the real situations then, has no practical relevance now as the conditions are completely different, particularly after the two world wars. It is senseless to project the imagined past into the future when making decisions concerning safety, security and welfare of the society and the homeland. A balanced decision on issues concerning these is feasible only when it is approached with foresight and liberal outlook. The island nation failed to advance as a peaceful united country because of the lack of political will on the part of her elected leaders to settle complex problems. On the contrary, they opted for the easy ones not only in politics but also in other fields of national development. This has been the bane since independence.
Post-war Sinhala nationalism
The pre-election contemplation by ‘kathika’ study circle in the article, “Liberalism poses severe challenge to Sinhala Nationalism at 2010 Presidential Election” posted by transCurrents on January 20, 2010 Permalink transCurrents.com that at last liberalism is going to influence political decisions in post-war Sri Lanka is not entirely misjudgement, though it did not influence the outcome of the January 26 Presidential election. In an unusual partnership, the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim politicians jointly urged for constructive changes for transforming Sri Lanka into a peaceful and truly democratic socialist Republic. The tone of liberalism was audible from some voices.
Apparently emotion rather than real problems affecting the living conditions has influenced the decision of many voters on January 26. The real issues such as corruption, nepotism, misuse of power and state resources, high cost of living, widespread lawlessness and denial of basic human rights and media freedom have been ignored by the voters. If emotion is the decisive factor in politics even at the grassroots level, this is of great concern to all anxious about the future of Sri Lanka as a vibrant democratic and cultured nation.
The joint effort of the liberals within and outside the Parliament to put the country on the right course for a promising future must not be abandoned because of the recent disappointment. The magnitude of the challenges ahead is quite evident from the issues raised during the recent election campaign. Hopefully the real issues that affect the living conditions and the future of the country will influence the outcome of the forthcoming parliamentary election. One thing that is crystal clear now is that the ethnic problem cannot be solved from the standpoint of either Sinhala or Tamil nationalism. It has to be considered by all as a real national problem, hindering the peaceful co-existence and welfare of all citizens regardless of the ethnic or religious affiliations.
Actually no democratic system will succeed in sustaining the cohesion of plural societies, if democracy is considered simply to mean majority rule of one dominant section of the plural society. Even the imperfect ways elections have been conducted in the past raise doubts now about the usefulness of the universal right to vote to the ethnic minority groups, as compared with the pre-independence period beginning 1931 when the first election for the State Council was held under the Donoughmore recommendations. While the Jaffna Youth Congress boycotted the election on the ground that the Donoughmore reforms did not go far enough to grant “total independence” (poorna swaraj) to the island, those who belonged to the conservative Ponnambalam Ramanathan camp boycotted it because they were opposed to the grant of universal suffrage.
The concept of supremacy of the ethnic majority is contrary to democratic and Buddhist values. Neither capitalism nor socialism alone can ensure promising life for all the citizens. The importance of a sensibly mixed system is recognized by the leaders in many countries that have been under some form of autocratic rule earlier and are now steadily advancing in all fields. From the standpoint of realizing soon the desired united, politically stable and serene Sri Lanka, the following warning of ‘kathika’ study circle is apposite:
“Whichever of the two camps win the election, the victorious side may seek to impose its ideological hegemony on the opposing camp. In such instances, the clash between nationalism and liberalism may be aggravated, giving rise to long drawn out antagonism in our society. This in turn will further strengthen the autocratic tendencies prevalent in our society thereby exposing us to the danger of massive social instability in the long run”.
Another useful suggestion is to “reconcile the conflict between liberalism and nationalism, by treating them not as enemies but as representing supplementary elements in their essence, and thus allowing the two ideologies to enrich each other”. In fact this also applies to Sinhala and Tamil nationalism, which grew as conflicting ideologies after independence for the reasons mentioned earlier. Tamil nationalism need not be viewed as synonymous with separatism. The upsurge in Tamil nationalism is due to the indignation of Tamils following the official discrimination and the several organised violent attacks against them with State patronage. The power struggle within the Sinhala polity also promoted Sinhala nationalism and this in turn fuelled Tamil nationalism. The aggressive way these evolved did not give space for both to co-exist modestly without endangering national unity.
A good example of co-existence of dual nationalism is the proud loyalty and devotion of Tamil nationalists to the Indian nation. This is also the case with other ethnic or religious communities in India. The attachment to an ethnic group or region is subordinate to the sense of belonging to the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious India. All central governments in India since independence have preserved this national unity by political means respecting the just aspirations of all diverse communities in the different regions.
Triumphant President’s post-election message
President Mahinda Rajapaksa after obtaining the overwhelming mandate of the electorate to continue as the Executive President for a second term in a statement issued on January 27 by the Presidential Secretariat has said that “the people have voted for an end to division, an end to terrorism, and for a new beginning of peace and prosperity”. He also conveyed his “thanks to those who supported him to achieve this massive victory” as well as all “who voted for the other candidates in the spirit of, and belief in democracy “.
Furthermore, he has assured that “he will work with utmost vigour on behalf of the people of Sri Lanka, considering himself as the leader of all Sri Lankans, and expressed “his determination to make this to be Sri Lanka's decade”. President Rajapaksa sees the need “to put behind the challenges of the past, driven by violence and division, and continue the work already initiated to heal those wounds of the past and give ear to the new needs and aspirations of the people”.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa addressing Editors and Heads of media institutions at Temple Trees January 28 evening said: “Do not use the media to promote chauvinism, provoke communal tensions and create an environment in which riots could occur again”’ He is also reported to have said “Please use the media responsibly for the good of society. Do not leave any room for terrorism to raise its head again in the country.” (Daily News 29 January 2010).
In this year’s (February 4) independence day message, President Rajapaksa, based on superficial notions of democracy and peace, announced: “The freedom from colonial rule that we gained 62 years ago is now more meaningful” and “it is necessary that we give equal priority to the tasks of national reconciliation and the building of trust among all sections of our people, as well as to development that will take us to our rightful place in the community of nations”.
President Rajapaksa's call now “is for all Sri Lankans to set aside their differences, and come together to help build the nation on the firm foundation of the peace achieved, and strengthened by the people's own faith in democracy, in the oldest democracy in Asia. His call is also for “all to transcend differences of ethnicity, religion and politics to join in the great task of nation building”. He has also invited “all friends of Sri Lanka to join in this admirable venture”.
All these noble expressions sound promising for the future of the tattered island deprived of peace, progress and prosperity because of several internal conflicts and weak leadership. The stated intentions to promote unity, democracy, peace and prosperity are most welcome. But there are some pertinent questions concerning the intended ways of realizing these universally desired aims. Unquestionably, the media has a role but this alone is insufficient to avoid the enormous losses and sufferings endured by the people. The country has not only lost many lives, limbs and valuable assets but also failed to advance because of disunity, unrest and underdevelopment. There is an urgent need to address the roots of the problems that caused these disasters. Pleasant words alone will not produce the much needed changes. These require the determined implementation of a well thought package of political reforms that removes the imbalances and other weaknesses in the system. The importance of striking a fair balance with foresight in this endeavour is obvious.
Can narrow-minded politicians obsessed with the thirst for power produce the required reform package? The ill-structured 1972 and 1978 Constitutions were drafted mainly by politicians without any inputs or advice of enlightened leaders and constitutional experts in the civil society. The constitutions of stable democratic countries were drafted by teams that included knowledgeable persons not involved in party politics. The recent time spending play with the APRC process and in the end the President declaring the game is inconclusively over and he will put forward his own set of proposals is not at all a positive move aimed at a final result acceptable to all groups. Subsequent official reports have said that the APRC process will resume after the general election. It is unclear whether this announcement is solely for electioneering.
The confusing messages in the recent statements of President Rajapaksa have been highlighted by Charles Haviland, the BBC Colombo correspondent in his comments in the report titled, “Where now for post-election Sri Lanka?” Based on the election results of all the districts, the reporter has said: “The country now looks more ethnically split than ever” and though “many want Mr Rajapaksa to move to address this,” he and his government stress on the economy and development. The BBC correspondent has cited some of President’s positive statements as well as his reluctance to change the present structure that ensures Sinhala majority rule in fully integrated Sri Lanka.
To quote: “As before, he has started with encouraging words, saying that although he did not win in the north he is "glad that people [there] entered the democratic process”….” With separatist extremism conquered, it is necessary to ‘change the ethnic and ideological profile’ of the police and military, currently almost totally Sinhalese, and make them and the judiciary more sensitive to multi-ethnic issues”. However, “on political issues such as devolving powers to all the provinces, as the constitution's 13th Amendment calls for - something many Tamils see as indispensable” Mr Rajapaksa sounds lukewarm. “Last week he was reported as saying that Tamil people did not seek a political solution to their grievances; rather, they simply needed to be resettled in their homes after the war. He has also said he will find his own solution and has spoken of a possible upper house of parliament which would potentially give minorities more influence”.
Are we going to spend 6 more years talking about constitutional reform without any serious effort to produce it? For more than a decade the promised (both the incumbent President and his predecessor) abolition of the Executive Presidency did not materialize. Only time will tell, in what form, fully or partially this will materialize. Sadly, there is now no clear sign that the country is about to move forward towards an all-inclusive, balanced, transparent and accountable system of government in which all the ethnic communities feel they are equal stakeholders. At present, all citizens do not feel they are equal, safe and secure and their children have a promising future in their own homeland.
Conclusion
There are many prerequisites for ensuring national unity. Mutual trust is one critical factor. Unity is vital for achieving lasting peace and other national goals. It was the solid unity that helped Ceylon to gain independence easily soon after India. Even the implicit unitary structure in the first Constitution (1948-1971) was accepted by all ethnic communities from the standpoint of solidarity and hope of fulfilling their aspirations in their sovereign nation. It also helped to sustain a peaceful environment vital for promoting socio-economic development. The positive harmonious environment that prevailed then has been destroyed by the divisive policies of successive governments since 1956. It is absurd now to believe development per se will bring about lasting unity and peace without remedying the poignant damages done over the past several decades.
The need for rapid development of the entire island is not disputed. But there are many things that need to be done to create the right environment for success in this major endeavour. It cannot be achieved by carrot-and-stick approach. The first and foremost challenge is to remedy the physical and mental harm done that led to the national tragedy In this regard the entire democratic world knows what should be done and in fact some concerned countries have suggested meaningful power-sharing scheme. Although rebuilding the damaged infrastructure and resettling the displaced persons in their habitats, for which the government has sought foreign aid, are urgent, these alone will not revoke the need for lasting political settlement. This requires lasting changes that will be respected by present and future governments.
Like the freedom from colonial rule sought in the early part of the twentieth century, a different kind of privilege for securing a promising future is needed now. This will pave the way for steady political, social and economic development that had eluded the people since independence. If the present leaders continue to act inconsiderately from a subjective stance, there is no chance at all of regaining the paradise that seems to have been lost after independence. No one can claim that this was due to international conspiracy to keep the island poor, perpetually dependant on foreign aid and in a depressed state.
[The writer is Former Additional Deputy Secretary to the Treasury, Sri Lanka and UN Advisor, Development Economics/Planning] (News-transcurrents)
Many important political decisions in Sri Lanka have been influenced by parochial short-term considerations, ignoring the larger and long-term interests of the entire society. Besides moral, spiritual and egalitarian values have also been ignored.
The decision-makers have been interested largely about immediate personal or political benefits. The exploitation of the island’s ethnic and other inherent divisions for short-term gains resulted in the disintegration of the fabric of the multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural Sri Lankan society. The causes of our national problems and the approach to their resolution have been influenced more by considerations of short-term political advantage. What this has meant is the failure to make timely balanced decisions in the interest of the whole country and the people.
The relatively poor record on national development despite the available skills and natural resources and the island’s strategic location is also due to this weakness in decision-making. In the recent past, poorer countries after gaining independence have advanced rapidly raising considerably the living standard of their citizens, while the poor Sri Lankan families have to depend on the incomes of female family members working as domestics abroad. There was a time when illegal immigrants from neighbouring India sought menial jobs in the once flourishing island. Today, not only Sri Lankans are seeking employment abroad but also some are dwelling in refugee camps in south India surviving out of the hand-outs of the government there.
For balanced and widely beneficial political decisions, the real make-up of the nation must also not be ignored. Any imagined notion of nation, ignoring the fundamentals cannot result in a sensible decision on national issues. The Sinhala ultra nationalists do not want to accept the fact that the overall ratio of Sinhalese in the total population does not apply to all provinces in the island. Article 3 of the Constitution states: “Sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable. Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise.” The happenings in the recent past raise many questions about the observance of this constitutional provision.
Power politics
In Sri Lanka politics is all about power and this has primarily been sought for personal or some narrow benefits. The ways political power has been sought have also been very harmful to the well-being of the citizens and the future of the nation. Anything that is exploitable is grabbed hastily for this purpose. Even the destructive war was exploited for narrow political gain. Although the victory was claimed to be absolute, the government was anxious to tell the delighted people that the threat of another vicious war against the State remains. Apparently, this was for continuing the handy authoritarian methods that benefitted the power wielders. This will also help to justify the retention of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Emergency Regulations used arbitrarily. The fiercely fought war gave the opportunity to cite national security as the reason for many harsh actions violating internationally accepted fundamental democratic and human rights of the people.The damage caused by the prevailing political system which is pseudo democratic to the unity and well-being of the entire society is enormous. Recently additional cost has come not only from the appointment of too many advisers to the incumbent President but also others such as the record total number of cabinet, non-cabinet and deputy ministers and the enormous security and perks provided by the State to all high-ups at the central and provincial levels. Corruption which was a major undisputed issue in the January 26 Presidential election is also another harm inflicted by bad governance on the poor people. The gap between the haves and have-nots continues to remain wide since the late 1970s. If not for the inflow of foreign money the situation would be worse.
The recent phenomenal rise in violence is attributed to the political patronage given to thugs and underworld elements. The damage to the island’s noble culture caused by the unchecked surge in violence mainly due to the inability or unwillingness of the officers appointed by their political masters to bring to justice the offenders, including murderers, abductors and assailants is also enormous. These are symptomatic of the lawlessness that characterises the prevailing system. The culture of impunity that has evolved in recent years is another abhorrent feature of misrule. For the country to progress swiftly like other stable high income countries radical changes are needed on many key areas. The liberals who voted for the common opposition candidate in the recent Presidential election thought that these can be achieved only through regime change. It is for the re-elected President to prove they were wrong.
Emotions and politics
In his recent article, ‘Emotions and Politics’ (Sunday Island 24 January and Sri Lanka Guardian 18 January 2010) Prof. Carlo Fonseka has discussed the factors that influence politics from a physiologist’s angle. Physiology is the branch of biology that deals with the internal workings of living beings. Metabolism and other functions such as respiration and reproduction explain the way a particular body or organism works. But when it comes to making decisions that have a bearing on other fellow beings, the way brain functions is critical. It is this organ that distinguishes uniquely humans from other living beings. Emotion need not be for selfish or antagonistic reason; it can be a sense of feeling for others. Leaving aside this intricate point let us see what Dr. Carlo Fonseka has said.
“Emotions associated with politics include anxiety, fear, anger, hostility, pleasure, ecstasy and depression. In 1950, Bertrand Russell was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. In his acceptance lecture, he spoke of four politically important desires. They are: acquisitiveness, rivalry, vanity and love of power”. Pleasure or ecstasy can also be acquired by being helpful to others, particularly the needy or disabled persons. Voluntary social workers get satisfaction helping such persons in care homes. The love for power need not be for personal or some parochial benefit. Ideally, it should be to serve the entire citizenry and the nation from a balanced perspective. It is the future of the nation and not that of the power seeker and his/her party that is important.
“By acquisitiveness is meant the desire to acquire as much worldly goods and money as possible. There is no limit to the desire to acquire wealth. More is always better. ……….Acquisitiveness is the emotion that drives us to behaviour appropriate to satisfying the desire for acquiring resources. Political power gives people ample opportunity to acquire wealth and this motive appears to have become stronger and stronger in those taking to politics in post-independence Sri Lanka. Acquisitiveness may well be a strong emotion at play at all levels of politics in our country. No wonder corruption is now pandemic and politics has no moral principle”.
“In Arabian history, rivalries between the sons of a Sultan by different mothers have repeatedly resulted in mutual ruin. Our own history is replete with instances of internecine rivalry even within putative liberation movements. There is evidence that some people will risk life, limb and honour to secure the ruin of their rivals with no direct gain to themselves”. Those who are aware of the kind of confrontational politics in Sri Lanka that denied a resolution of the most important national question will certainly agree with the damaging role of rivalry in national politics. “Another politically important emotion of great potency is said to be vanity. No one is immune from this emotion. Even humble saints are said to be vain about their humility. Vanity is simply the desire to be talked about; to grab attention. …Those in whom the emotion of vanity is very powerful seem to gravitate easily to politics and the arts whether or not they have the requisite talent”. In short, there have been many political leaders but not statesmen in Sri Lanka (not when it was Ceylon) to lead the island-nation along the correct path to progress and prosperity. Emotion is intrinsic to all human beings. The pertinent question is for what reason or purpose it influences decisions? The same applies to politics; is it for some selfish or wide noble aim?
Then (Ceylon) and now (Sri Lanka)
Dr. C. P. Sarvan’s review of H. A. J. Hulugalle’s (1899-1981) selected writings in the present context, gives clear perception of the fundamental difference between the mindsets of the past (Ceylon) and the present (Sri Lanka) leadership. “Hulugalle emphasises: “Those who won independence for Ceylon belonged to every race and religion found in the Island. The implication is that, therefore, all groups have a right, and deserve to share equally in the benefits of independence”.
“In 1911, Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan was elected to the Legislative Council, defeating Sir Marcus Fernando (a Sinhalese), ‘largely on the votes of the Sinhalese’. Ramanathan fought untiringly for ‘the Sinhalese Buddhists who were badly treated by the Government over the religious [Buddhist-Muslim] riots of 1915’ Standing up for justice, he took their appeal to England, despite the danger posed by German submarines. Those Sinhalese Buddhists leaders who were ‘flung into jail had no more sincere and eloquent pleader of their cause than Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan’. ‘On his successful return, jubilant crowds placed him in a carriage, detached the horses, and dragged the carriage themselves. It seems he was not seen as a Tamil who had helped to free Sinhalese but as a Ceylonese helping fellow Ceylonese’. Hulugalle has also described Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam (also a Tamil) as ‘the father of the nationalist movement’.
“Politics, observes Hulugalle, in the decades immediately after independence was dominated by those from privileged families: Mr D S Senanayake, his nephew (Sir John Kotalawela) and son, Dudley; Mr. and Mrs. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, and their daughter; and Mr. J. R. Jayewardene. Mr. D. S. Senanayake was optimistic about the Island’s future because he thought the Sinhalese were a just and generous people. Those qualities, together with the industry of the minority groups, would win the latter a share in the country’s progress. …’D S’ could not foresee ‘the full impact of the forces he helped to release’, and the consequences of those forces on other ethnic groups”. G.G. Ponnambalam the then influential Tamil political leader also shared D. S. Senanayake’s optimism about the future of the multi-ethnic sovereign island-nation. ‘JR’ too did not foresee how his constitution would be manipulated easily by his successors for their immediate benefits. Perhaps he was not interested.
“Imperialism meant exploitation, humiliation and a ‘pervading sense of inferiority’ but the ‘years since the end of British rule have not fulfilled the high expectations’ fondly entertained. Truth is no longer respected, and the rulers of the country are chosen for the wrong reasons. Political independence has not meant the same to all ethnic groups. Indeed, it can be said that Britain ‘misjudged the capacity of the Ceylonese to work a democratic system of government in a manner that was fair to everybody’. It is a severe indictment, though delivered quietly. There is a ‘tragic absence of honest debate’. What prevails is intolerance of contrary views, and ‘lying propaganda’. To disagree is to be immediately disliked.
‘The State is increasingly the employer and the extermination of political opponents’ is commonplace. ‘Racism’ (and the distrust, animosity and anger it breeds) has infected even those who are otherwise decent and fair. The result is that every issue is viewed ‘from the angle of self-interest’, be it of an individual or an ethnic group. ….. Once there was ‘a unity of purpose among the diverse communities’ and to the destruction of that sense of unity in the post-independence era is traceable much of the nation’s failure to fully measure up to the task of tackling many of its problems. "Restoration of that unity will surely provide a key to success in the future." Sadly, there is now a baseless or rather cunning view that unity can be achieved by simplistic ways without meaningful changes to the existing divisive political system.
“Both religion and reason dictated to Hulugalle the basic equality of all human beings. His is a voice from the past that speaks – wisely, decently, justly - to today’s Sri Lankans. The present generations will do well to look at the Ceylon he describes at the beginning of the 20th century, and compare it – with his honesty, clarity and courage – with Sri Lanka in the first decade of the 21st. What Hulugalle says is all the more relevant, important and urgent now than when he ‘spoke’ then. The island will gain if it listens to, and reflects on, his words”. What imperialism meant then to the majority of Ceylonese is now felt by the politically powerless ethnic minorities in divided Sri Lanka. The ethnic majority-minority division is inherent to the present political system.
The all-inclusive integrated nationalism that was pervasive before independence has vanished. It is communalism now, the preferred sense of belonging to one’s own ethnic community is influencing the minds of many citizens. The consequences of this transformation are seen in many important political decisions which have exacerbated further the ethnic division in the society. The challenging task now is to reunite the ethnically divided nation by rectifying the damages done in the past several decades. The structural disparity in the system is mainly due to the neglect of the diverse demographic and regional features that are intrinsic to the real structure of the island. It is pointless to argue here what is real and unreal from a divisive historical perspective. We need to look to the future from the present time.
The ancient history which reflects more the imaginations and opinions of the authors than the real situations then, has no practical relevance now as the conditions are completely different, particularly after the two world wars. It is senseless to project the imagined past into the future when making decisions concerning safety, security and welfare of the society and the homeland. A balanced decision on issues concerning these is feasible only when it is approached with foresight and liberal outlook. The island nation failed to advance as a peaceful united country because of the lack of political will on the part of her elected leaders to settle complex problems. On the contrary, they opted for the easy ones not only in politics but also in other fields of national development. This has been the bane since independence.
Post-war Sinhala nationalism
The pre-election contemplation by ‘kathika’ study circle in the article, “Liberalism poses severe challenge to Sinhala Nationalism at 2010 Presidential Election” posted by transCurrents on January 20, 2010 Permalink transCurrents.com that at last liberalism is going to influence political decisions in post-war Sri Lanka is not entirely misjudgement, though it did not influence the outcome of the January 26 Presidential election. In an unusual partnership, the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim politicians jointly urged for constructive changes for transforming Sri Lanka into a peaceful and truly democratic socialist Republic. The tone of liberalism was audible from some voices.
Apparently emotion rather than real problems affecting the living conditions has influenced the decision of many voters on January 26. The real issues such as corruption, nepotism, misuse of power and state resources, high cost of living, widespread lawlessness and denial of basic human rights and media freedom have been ignored by the voters. If emotion is the decisive factor in politics even at the grassroots level, this is of great concern to all anxious about the future of Sri Lanka as a vibrant democratic and cultured nation.
The joint effort of the liberals within and outside the Parliament to put the country on the right course for a promising future must not be abandoned because of the recent disappointment. The magnitude of the challenges ahead is quite evident from the issues raised during the recent election campaign. Hopefully the real issues that affect the living conditions and the future of the country will influence the outcome of the forthcoming parliamentary election. One thing that is crystal clear now is that the ethnic problem cannot be solved from the standpoint of either Sinhala or Tamil nationalism. It has to be considered by all as a real national problem, hindering the peaceful co-existence and welfare of all citizens regardless of the ethnic or religious affiliations.
Actually no democratic system will succeed in sustaining the cohesion of plural societies, if democracy is considered simply to mean majority rule of one dominant section of the plural society. Even the imperfect ways elections have been conducted in the past raise doubts now about the usefulness of the universal right to vote to the ethnic minority groups, as compared with the pre-independence period beginning 1931 when the first election for the State Council was held under the Donoughmore recommendations. While the Jaffna Youth Congress boycotted the election on the ground that the Donoughmore reforms did not go far enough to grant “total independence” (poorna swaraj) to the island, those who belonged to the conservative Ponnambalam Ramanathan camp boycotted it because they were opposed to the grant of universal suffrage.
The concept of supremacy of the ethnic majority is contrary to democratic and Buddhist values. Neither capitalism nor socialism alone can ensure promising life for all the citizens. The importance of a sensibly mixed system is recognized by the leaders in many countries that have been under some form of autocratic rule earlier and are now steadily advancing in all fields. From the standpoint of realizing soon the desired united, politically stable and serene Sri Lanka, the following warning of ‘kathika’ study circle is apposite:
“Whichever of the two camps win the election, the victorious side may seek to impose its ideological hegemony on the opposing camp. In such instances, the clash between nationalism and liberalism may be aggravated, giving rise to long drawn out antagonism in our society. This in turn will further strengthen the autocratic tendencies prevalent in our society thereby exposing us to the danger of massive social instability in the long run”.
Another useful suggestion is to “reconcile the conflict between liberalism and nationalism, by treating them not as enemies but as representing supplementary elements in their essence, and thus allowing the two ideologies to enrich each other”. In fact this also applies to Sinhala and Tamil nationalism, which grew as conflicting ideologies after independence for the reasons mentioned earlier. Tamil nationalism need not be viewed as synonymous with separatism. The upsurge in Tamil nationalism is due to the indignation of Tamils following the official discrimination and the several organised violent attacks against them with State patronage. The power struggle within the Sinhala polity also promoted Sinhala nationalism and this in turn fuelled Tamil nationalism. The aggressive way these evolved did not give space for both to co-exist modestly without endangering national unity.
A good example of co-existence of dual nationalism is the proud loyalty and devotion of Tamil nationalists to the Indian nation. This is also the case with other ethnic or religious communities in India. The attachment to an ethnic group or region is subordinate to the sense of belonging to the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious India. All central governments in India since independence have preserved this national unity by political means respecting the just aspirations of all diverse communities in the different regions.
Triumphant President’s post-election message
President Mahinda Rajapaksa after obtaining the overwhelming mandate of the electorate to continue as the Executive President for a second term in a statement issued on January 27 by the Presidential Secretariat has said that “the people have voted for an end to division, an end to terrorism, and for a new beginning of peace and prosperity”. He also conveyed his “thanks to those who supported him to achieve this massive victory” as well as all “who voted for the other candidates in the spirit of, and belief in democracy “.
Furthermore, he has assured that “he will work with utmost vigour on behalf of the people of Sri Lanka, considering himself as the leader of all Sri Lankans, and expressed “his determination to make this to be Sri Lanka's decade”. President Rajapaksa sees the need “to put behind the challenges of the past, driven by violence and division, and continue the work already initiated to heal those wounds of the past and give ear to the new needs and aspirations of the people”.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa addressing Editors and Heads of media institutions at Temple Trees January 28 evening said: “Do not use the media to promote chauvinism, provoke communal tensions and create an environment in which riots could occur again”’ He is also reported to have said “Please use the media responsibly for the good of society. Do not leave any room for terrorism to raise its head again in the country.” (Daily News 29 January 2010).
In this year’s (February 4) independence day message, President Rajapaksa, based on superficial notions of democracy and peace, announced: “The freedom from colonial rule that we gained 62 years ago is now more meaningful” and “it is necessary that we give equal priority to the tasks of national reconciliation and the building of trust among all sections of our people, as well as to development that will take us to our rightful place in the community of nations”.
President Rajapaksa's call now “is for all Sri Lankans to set aside their differences, and come together to help build the nation on the firm foundation of the peace achieved, and strengthened by the people's own faith in democracy, in the oldest democracy in Asia. His call is also for “all to transcend differences of ethnicity, religion and politics to join in the great task of nation building”. He has also invited “all friends of Sri Lanka to join in this admirable venture”.
All these noble expressions sound promising for the future of the tattered island deprived of peace, progress and prosperity because of several internal conflicts and weak leadership. The stated intentions to promote unity, democracy, peace and prosperity are most welcome. But there are some pertinent questions concerning the intended ways of realizing these universally desired aims. Unquestionably, the media has a role but this alone is insufficient to avoid the enormous losses and sufferings endured by the people. The country has not only lost many lives, limbs and valuable assets but also failed to advance because of disunity, unrest and underdevelopment. There is an urgent need to address the roots of the problems that caused these disasters. Pleasant words alone will not produce the much needed changes. These require the determined implementation of a well thought package of political reforms that removes the imbalances and other weaknesses in the system. The importance of striking a fair balance with foresight in this endeavour is obvious.
Can narrow-minded politicians obsessed with the thirst for power produce the required reform package? The ill-structured 1972 and 1978 Constitutions were drafted mainly by politicians without any inputs or advice of enlightened leaders and constitutional experts in the civil society. The constitutions of stable democratic countries were drafted by teams that included knowledgeable persons not involved in party politics. The recent time spending play with the APRC process and in the end the President declaring the game is inconclusively over and he will put forward his own set of proposals is not at all a positive move aimed at a final result acceptable to all groups. Subsequent official reports have said that the APRC process will resume after the general election. It is unclear whether this announcement is solely for electioneering.
The confusing messages in the recent statements of President Rajapaksa have been highlighted by Charles Haviland, the BBC Colombo correspondent in his comments in the report titled, “Where now for post-election Sri Lanka?” Based on the election results of all the districts, the reporter has said: “The country now looks more ethnically split than ever” and though “many want Mr Rajapaksa to move to address this,” he and his government stress on the economy and development. The BBC correspondent has cited some of President’s positive statements as well as his reluctance to change the present structure that ensures Sinhala majority rule in fully integrated Sri Lanka.
To quote: “As before, he has started with encouraging words, saying that although he did not win in the north he is "glad that people [there] entered the democratic process”….” With separatist extremism conquered, it is necessary to ‘change the ethnic and ideological profile’ of the police and military, currently almost totally Sinhalese, and make them and the judiciary more sensitive to multi-ethnic issues”. However, “on political issues such as devolving powers to all the provinces, as the constitution's 13th Amendment calls for - something many Tamils see as indispensable” Mr Rajapaksa sounds lukewarm. “Last week he was reported as saying that Tamil people did not seek a political solution to their grievances; rather, they simply needed to be resettled in their homes after the war. He has also said he will find his own solution and has spoken of a possible upper house of parliament which would potentially give minorities more influence”.
Are we going to spend 6 more years talking about constitutional reform without any serious effort to produce it? For more than a decade the promised (both the incumbent President and his predecessor) abolition of the Executive Presidency did not materialize. Only time will tell, in what form, fully or partially this will materialize. Sadly, there is now no clear sign that the country is about to move forward towards an all-inclusive, balanced, transparent and accountable system of government in which all the ethnic communities feel they are equal stakeholders. At present, all citizens do not feel they are equal, safe and secure and their children have a promising future in their own homeland.
Conclusion
There are many prerequisites for ensuring national unity. Mutual trust is one critical factor. Unity is vital for achieving lasting peace and other national goals. It was the solid unity that helped Ceylon to gain independence easily soon after India. Even the implicit unitary structure in the first Constitution (1948-1971) was accepted by all ethnic communities from the standpoint of solidarity and hope of fulfilling their aspirations in their sovereign nation. It also helped to sustain a peaceful environment vital for promoting socio-economic development. The positive harmonious environment that prevailed then has been destroyed by the divisive policies of successive governments since 1956. It is absurd now to believe development per se will bring about lasting unity and peace without remedying the poignant damages done over the past several decades.
The need for rapid development of the entire island is not disputed. But there are many things that need to be done to create the right environment for success in this major endeavour. It cannot be achieved by carrot-and-stick approach. The first and foremost challenge is to remedy the physical and mental harm done that led to the national tragedy In this regard the entire democratic world knows what should be done and in fact some concerned countries have suggested meaningful power-sharing scheme. Although rebuilding the damaged infrastructure and resettling the displaced persons in their habitats, for which the government has sought foreign aid, are urgent, these alone will not revoke the need for lasting political settlement. This requires lasting changes that will be respected by present and future governments.
Like the freedom from colonial rule sought in the early part of the twentieth century, a different kind of privilege for securing a promising future is needed now. This will pave the way for steady political, social and economic development that had eluded the people since independence. If the present leaders continue to act inconsiderately from a subjective stance, there is no chance at all of regaining the paradise that seems to have been lost after independence. No one can claim that this was due to international conspiracy to keep the island poor, perpetually dependant on foreign aid and in a depressed state.
[The writer is Former Additional Deputy Secretary to the Treasury, Sri Lanka and UN Advisor, Development Economics/Planning] (News-transcurrents)
Friday, February 5, 2010
State of emergency extended
The state of emergency was extended by another month in Parliament a short while ago, receiving 102 votes in favour and 15 votes against. The United National Party (UNP) had voted against the extending of the state of emergency, together with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) while the Janath Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) had been absent. (YP&KB) (News-Daily Mirror)
Asia Cup in Sri Lanka
Chennai: The Asia Cup ODI tournament will be held in Sri Lanka from June 16 to 25 this year.
The Chief Executive Officer of the Asian Cricket Council (ACC) Syed Ashraful Huq told The Hindu here on Thursday that only the four Test playing nations of Asia — India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh — would take part in the event.
Ashraful, in the city to hold discussions with BCCI Secretary N.Srinivasan, said “The matches will be staged in Colombo and Premadasa Stadium is the likely venue. In all there will be six league games and the final.
“In the last edition of the Asia Cup, we had Hong Kong and UAE in the tournament but we had to shorten the format this time because of the lack of time available for the major teams.”
He admitted Malaysia was in contention to host the championship. “Yes, Malaysia was in the running. Eventually, the ACC has settled for Sri Lanka.” — Special Correspondent (News-Hindu)
The Chief Executive Officer of the Asian Cricket Council (ACC) Syed Ashraful Huq told The Hindu here on Thursday that only the four Test playing nations of Asia — India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh — would take part in the event.
Ashraful, in the city to hold discussions with BCCI Secretary N.Srinivasan, said “The matches will be staged in Colombo and Premadasa Stadium is the likely venue. In all there will be six league games and the final.
“In the last edition of the Asia Cup, we had Hong Kong and UAE in the tournament but we had to shorten the format this time because of the lack of time available for the major teams.”
He admitted Malaysia was in contention to host the championship. “Yes, Malaysia was in the running. Eventually, the ACC has settled for Sri Lanka.” — Special Correspondent (News-Hindu)
Batticaloa Mayoress Sivageetha Prabakaran on the comeback trail
The Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal has decided to meet tomorrow to decide about the political strategy they should adopt in the forthcoming parliamentary general election in the Eastern Province.
Assad Moulana, speaking on behalf of Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillaiyan, the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province, said that the Chief Minister has invited the Party’s Leaders Committee consisting of 17 members , Executive Committee members consisting of 90 members and also the academics and people of the East who command respect in the region for a consultative meeting in Batticaloa.
The spokesman said that the meeting is expected to finalize the strategy they should adopt in the forthcoming parliamentary general election.
He also said that a TMVP delegation is expected to meet President Mahinda Rajapaksa on February 10 for a discussion regarding the Eastern Province election arrangements.
The spokes person also said that TMVP has not decided whether they should contest on the TMVP party symbol, boat, or on the UPFA party symbol, Betel. He, however, hastened add that as TMVP is a constituent party of the UPFA, they will only follow the decision taken by the UPFA High Command.
In the meantime Assad Moulana told Asian Tribune that Batticaloa Mayoress Sivageetha Prabakaran has contacted the Chief Minister and indicated that she wanted to rejoin the TMVP.
The spokesman said that the Chief Minister has refused to accommodate her back in the TMVP as she, against advises of everyone, went and joined Sarath Fonseka’s camp during the Presidential election, causing greater embarrassment.
It was told that it was something the Chief Minister and the TMVP was not prepared take it as something that could be simply ignored. (News- Asian Tribune)
Assad Moulana, speaking on behalf of Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillaiyan, the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province, said that the Chief Minister has invited the Party’s Leaders Committee consisting of 17 members , Executive Committee members consisting of 90 members and also the academics and people of the East who command respect in the region for a consultative meeting in Batticaloa.
The spokesman said that the meeting is expected to finalize the strategy they should adopt in the forthcoming parliamentary general election.
He also said that a TMVP delegation is expected to meet President Mahinda Rajapaksa on February 10 for a discussion regarding the Eastern Province election arrangements.
The spokes person also said that TMVP has not decided whether they should contest on the TMVP party symbol, boat, or on the UPFA party symbol, Betel. He, however, hastened add that as TMVP is a constituent party of the UPFA, they will only follow the decision taken by the UPFA High Command.
In the meantime Assad Moulana told Asian Tribune that Batticaloa Mayoress Sivageetha Prabakaran has contacted the Chief Minister and indicated that she wanted to rejoin the TMVP.
The spokesman said that the Chief Minister has refused to accommodate her back in the TMVP as she, against advises of everyone, went and joined Sarath Fonseka’s camp during the Presidential election, causing greater embarrassment.
It was told that it was something the Chief Minister and the TMVP was not prepared take it as something that could be simply ignored. (News- Asian Tribune)
Luxury hospitality on Sri Lanka’s west coast
Serene Pavilions, a new venture in luxury hospitality located in Wadduwa on Sri Lanka’s west coast, has joined the prestigious Small Luxury Hotels of the World brand.Opened at a cost of $US5.5 million in November 2009, Serene Pavilions is a beachside retreat offering 12 lavishly appointed Pavilions with private Butler service set in a seven acre coconut grove facing the Indian Ocean, just a 45-minute drive from Colombo. According to the Chairman of Serene Pavilions, Clive Leach CBE: “The hotel offers an ideal Sri Lankan holiday experience for those seeking luxury, seclusion, tranquillity and exceptional service.”Serene Pavilions Deputy Chairman and Chief Executive, Anura Lokuhetty, said: “Becoming a member of Small Luxury Hotels of the World will provide Serene Pavilions and Sri Lanka with added worldwide exposure to independent travellers who enjoy highly personalised service, combined with accommodation designed to exacting international standards which also reflects the local history and culture.”The luxurious Pavilions, each with individual private plunge pools, have been designed with an emphasis on space and tranquillity using Balinese and Sri Lankan influences and architecture. The 12 pavilions are interlaced with walkways and water features and have spacious decked outside living areas.Serene Pavilions’ signature centrepiece is The Pavilions’ Restaurant, and The Amritha Bar, which links the garden and pool areas to the beachfront gardens and quiet beach. Within the gardens there is a large swimming pool with four sunken Jacuzzi beds, and a clay tennis court. Also available is the Serenity Spa, the well-equipped Asana Gym and a large Reception Lounge with an exclusive Gem Boutique. The Dhaarana Reading Room is home to the library which can also accommodate small meetings or private events.Paul Kerr, Chief Executive Officer of Small Luxury Hotels of the World, commented: “We are delighted to welcome Serene Pavilions into the Small Luxury Hotels of the World family. I know that our discerning guests will enjoy the peace and tranquility at the resort – as well as the high levels of privacy. Each hotel applying to become part of SLH undergoes a rigorous inspection and selection process and only five percent of the hotels which apply to join are accepted. This is testament to the high standards of excellence to be found at Serene Pavilions. It is the perfect complement to Small Luxury Hotels of the World’s properties in Sri Lanka.”For reservations and further information visit slh.com and serenepavilions.com. (news- Easier travel page)
An Open letter to the Election Commissioner of Sri Lanka
(February 05, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) Recent events following the Presidential election have put you on the negative limelight, due to your confusing and contradicting comments made head down without looking at the audience.Lots of accusations are leveled against you. Some have been denied. The manner in which you are responding to the issues surrounding the conduct and the outcome of the election is further confusing the citizens like me. I plead with you to look at the face of the world at large and tell the truth to the following serious questions.Question 1: According the ‘The Times’ report filed by Jeremy Page ‘The President’s brother and adviser, went to see the Independent Elections Commissioner just before the latter announced the final results. The ministers denied that Basil Rajapaksa was meeting the commissioner, and said that he was asleep at the time, but Ms Wenger said that she saw him leave the Commissioner’s office immediately after the press conference’.My simple question to you is: Did Basil Rajapakse meet you just before the election results were announced? If so, what was discussed or ordered by him?Question 2: Sri Lanka Guardian in its exclusive news reported that you and your wife were held in captivity in the Presidents official residence Temple Trees and intimidated to obtain your consent to announce the government favoured comments on the outcome of the election and also to get your resignation announcement withdrawn.In the public interest and to earn the public confidence, would you kindly confirm by looking at the audience straight on their face without fear or subdued voice, whether this story is true or false.Question 3: The Lankanewsweb in its latest news headlined ‘A group of Army personnel had imprisoned Election Commissioner’s wife and daughter at Water’s Edge on the election day’.Once again in the public interest, will you be able to confirm this story is true or false.I understand that you are not permitted to travel overseas until the General Election is over. If this is not true, will you be able to travel to the UK or any other healthy democratic country and make a public statement on the issues surrounding the election. I am prepared to fund your first class flight ticket for your visit, as I consider your public statement in a respectable place without any fear of recrimination will be very useful for Sri Lanka’s future.Finally, with the very serious accusations levelled against you on the conduct of the Presidential election, how do you expect the citizens of Sri Lanka to consider you are independent to conduct the forthcoming General Election? Will you make a public statement to confirm what action you will be taking to overcome the difficulties you have encountered during the Presidential election to ensure the difficulties are not repeated with your backing?
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